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Il ritorno dell'Elefantino: questo sì è da non perdere!!

Strali and syllogisms. Jeers and curses. Provocations and crusades. With the return of Giuliano Ferrara on television from tonight we are all a little 'richer, just like . The richest of freedom, pluralism, especially intelligence. And that is just the claim that his detractors repeating van, which will grow above him, with the fees (three thousand euro per episode) secured by Mamma Rai. Whichever way you look at them five minutes daily Qui Radio London - and watch them many, immediately after the Tg1 - its editorials bring something new and unconventional in the too often puerile little village Global Noantri. They should share all or part of its positions, with the elephant is always worth the effort to confront. We do this for many years we, the figure, with a bevy of conductors which disapprove of almost everything. Yet we respect the freedom of expression, even if supported by the evidence of audience and the other offset freedom, far from trivial, to operate the remote control and go elsewhere. Here: always better to add a new voice, rather than pretending to silence some of dislike. Especially if you add that have unusual colors as in the case of the Director of the sheet. There are homologous, there are similar movement. Giuliano Ferrara is not a theatrical conductor who transformed their own talk show in an arena seething. It is not a diligent reporter who, while blending, channeling the water with the usual zeal for the mill. Interviewer is not fake tank, not a hostess that filters likes and dislikes towards guests drawn to some posh lounge. Above all, television is not a creature, a product of the share, a face of primetime. Unlike almost all politicians and many commentators, including those fielded by his own hand, when Ferrari starts to speak before you do not know where going to end. He thought strong, sound arguments, deep and broad culture, rationality to sell.

last year, clashes between power and the tensions that have also affected the world of communication are changing the political life in a big butcher between opposing factions. Not that it was foreign Ferrara, far from it. Just remember the gathering of a few weeks ago with a lot of underwear waving at Teatro Dal Verme in Milan. But tonight is as if, in the butcher, the elephant came to us with all corpaccione and sharp tongue. Only that it will be with the surgeon's scalpel of thought. "I have taken refuge abroad to speak ill of all - promises in the spot of the program - from Garibaldi to Berlusconi, from government to opposition, the judiciary by Napolitano to the Pope .. No, not the Pope. I am a tipaccio, but they are devoted. " More likely the favorite target will be the cultural elites who "make me a rash." To be clear, the protagonists of the new puritanical and moralistic crusade led by Gustavo Zagrebelsky and Umberto Eco, having to work a few weeks ago Palasharp Milan. And then, there will be no wonder that the diatribe and invective will move on cultural and philosophical terrain. But certainly there will be bored. The temperature rise further controversy. Yet the quality of the dialectic. They know well his opponents. no coincidence that as soon as the news circulated del ritorno in prima linea dell’Elefantino, i guru della libertà d’informazione, stavolta un po’ dimentichi della lezione volteriana («Non condivido ciò che dice, ma sono disposto a morire affinché tu lo dica»), hanno alzato un gran fuoco di sbarramento. Tuttavia è sicuro che stasera anche Marco Travaglio e Michele Serra, Michele Santoro e Concita De Gregorio saranno sintonizzati su Raiuno. Chi invece rischierà di perderselo è Eugenio Scalfari, che ha lasciato cadere il ripetuto invito dello stesso Ferrara a un duello televisivo. Subito dopo l’esordio di Qui Radio Londra, il fondatore di Repubblica sarà ospite di Otto e mezzo. Chissà, forse per commentarlo a caldo e poter ribattere, senza il pericolo di un noioso contraddittorio.

(tratto da "Il Giornale")

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Between saying and doing and thinking

Ho bisogno di fermarmi un pò
devo pensare a ciò che è meglio per la mia vita
tutto intorno è un correre vorticoso per riorganizzare
è che qui ogni nuovo capo che arriva disfa e ricomincia da capo
riorganizza anche le cose che funzionavano bene
allora ti chiedi se fa quello che è meglio o quello che più gli fa comodo.
Chi può muove le sue pedine per vincere una posizione comoda
così mi chiedo se anch'io devo muovere le mie
anche se non mi è mai piaciuto sgomitare.
Credo sia nella natura di ognuno
c'è che si mette in mostra ad ogni costo e quasi sempre arriva più avanti degli altri
e chi non chiede per forza e non mostra la ruota come il pavone.
Però tutti questi idioti sgomitanti intorno a me
mi stanno davvero facendo perdere la pazienza
li ascolto e sembrano scopritori di incredibili meraviglie
e invece quasi sempre scoprono l'acqua calda.
Forse è ora che anch'io faccia delle scelte
per mandarli dove si meritano di andare.
In ogni caso un pò più lontani da me.

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Riforma della giustizia: perchè bisogna farla? Tre semplici motivi

Eugenio Montale diceva che «la semplicità è difficile a farsi». La riforma della giustizia non è un testo poetico, ma si compone di cose molto semplici. Berlusconi si è fi­nalmente deciso a provarci sul serio. E, naturalmente, siccome siamo un Pa­ese in cui i guru dell’opinione pubbli­ca di sinistra si comportano in modo sempre più fanatico, e incivile, si sta scatenando l’inferno. Un inferno fatto di menzogne, di manipolazioni, di de­pistaggi. La più grave manomissione è che i magistrati dell’accusa, those that make activism and corporate sin-Statutory Auditors a platform for waging war to the "absolute enemy", have condemned a proposal by the governors not to Parliament even before the read-and that certainly has declared a general mobilization in the country and the compliant media. The partisan fight a part of the Horde-n-e judiciary against the legislature-vo, unheard of in a country liberal-lunque here, is an institutional scandal. And the president of the Superior Council of Magistracy, which is the head of state Giorgio Napolitano, will probably inevitable pushed in the wake of his pre-ceding interventions, to recall the prosecutor, not only with his moral persuasion but with his powers of chief magistrate of Italy, respect for co-tution. In some cases, the exercise pro-priority duty of moral persuasion is done af-a simplicity that is not "diffi-cult to be 'provide one with the toga-consultancy in institutional system performance when required, and conduct in their delicate little-lytic function without distraction and without aggression towards those who have power and duty to write the leg-ge in the magistrates have to confine themselves to be "the mouth". Without a fair-operation with a non-governing institution, and the honest Napolitano is the first to know by virtue of his long political experience. But we come to the simple elements of the law reform is made. The first is that the magistrate should be equated with the defender, while judges who must stand above the parties. This is the "separation of careers." Without it, there is no true justice, there is a cave-sca caricature of justice. If the defense lawyer is a beggar-standing barely tolerated by the public as co-prosecutor who investigates and promotes the charge is a colleague who will give the above, works with him, does the same career, he supports the same offices, with the judge has a daily fre-q-uentazione and a community of corporate and professional interests, the justice is denied in the root. If who follows tomorrow today-can be judged, and vice versa, adding insult to the denial. The second element is the responsi-bility to the people in the profession as a magistrate. If a officials all wrong, and perhaps intentionally or otherwise-of the overwhelming re-cts of the citizen, that official pa-ga reasonable consequences error, is civilly liable for his behavior. Without this rule, the officer of the Registry sleepy and absent-minded can take in raspberries when we ask for a certificate of coffee per hour. And irre-sponsibility of judges have more serious consequences of a mockery or a delay in issuing an identity card - identity: it weighs on people's lives, their honor, on the affects on health on the freedom of us all. The third simple truth is that you can not be tried a second vol-ta after being acquitted. Why? It's easy to say. The right Anglo-Saxon states that one can be convicted only if they are considered born guilty "beyond a reasonable doubt" (the lawyer Perry Mason in the old TV series had on this re-located to guarantee the real culprit and exonerate the inno- percent). The exclusion of every possible shade of opinion is an objective anchor, a decisive guarantee for civil liberties. The principle is that we can deliver the award on "liberal-ro conviction of the court," a cri-rion purely subjective. We must instead the freedom of the judge is an objectivity-pluck of a certainty as the basis per un giudizio nel giusto processo. Ed è ovvio che una sentenza di assoluzione lascia e lascerà sempre un ragionevole dubbio nell’aria, an­che se nel giudizio di appello arrivasse una condanna. Dunque: niente dop­pio processo una volta che l’imputato sia assolto perché manca una assoluta certezza processuale. A sinistra e tra i magistrati non fazio­si cresce da anni la consapevolezza che queste riforme liberali sarebbero un progresso decisivo. Da Falcone a Violante a molti altri, anche giovani in­­sofferenti dei vecchi schemi bellige­ranti, i fautori della separazione delle carriere di ieri e di oggi non si contano. I capi burocratizzati della sinistra, i rot­tamandi, raise their voices to cover these doubts . So do the prosecutors that exchange for the right of a bayonet stab in the civic and the political enemy. A Berlusconi and Alfano it dun-que to speak a language constant, patient, persuasive and never arrogant. And the battle is won. The Italians who judge a referendum known for years that the ethics malagiustizia is an obstacle to their freedom and a material impediment to development.

(Giuliano Ferrara)